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Anarchism and Syndicalism in an African Port City: Cape Town, the IWW and the ICU, 1904-1924 by Lucien van der Walt

Anarchism and Syndicalism in an African Port City: Cape Town, the IWW and the ICU, 1904-1924 by Lucien van der Walt

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Lucien van der Walt, 2011, “Anarchism and Syndicalism in an African Port City: the revolutionary traditions of Cape Town’s multiracial working class, 1904–1931,” ‘Labor History’, Volume 52, Issue 2, 137, pp. 137-171

This paper examines the development of anarchism and syndicalism in early twentieth century Cape Town, South Africa, drawing attention to a crucial but neglected chapter of labor and left history. Central to this story were the anarchists in the local Social Democratic Federation (SDF), and the revolutionary syndicalists of the Industrial Socialist League, the Industrial Workers of Africa (IWA), and the Sweets and Jam Workers’ Industrial Union. These revolutionary anti-authoritarians, Africans, Coloureds and whites, fostered a multiracial radical movement – considerably preceding similar achievements by the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) in this port city. They were also part of a larger anarchist and syndicalist movement across the southern African subcontinent. Involved in activist centers, propaganda, public meetings, cooperatives, demonstrations, union organizing and strikes, and linked into international and national radical networks, Cape Town’s anarchists and syndicalists had an important impact on organizations like the African Political Organization (APO), the Cape Federation of Labour Unions, the Cape Native Congress, the CPSA, the General Workers Union, and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Africa (ICU). This paper is therefore also a contribution to the recovery of the history of the first generation of African and Coloured anti-capitalist radicals, and part of a growing international interest in anarchist and syndicalist history

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“Sifuna Zonke!” by the Bikisha Media Collective

“Sifuna Zonke!” by the Bikisha Media Collective

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Revolutionary syndicalism - the strategy of bringing about a stateless socialist society through a revolutionary general strike in which organised labour, through its trade unions, seizes and places under self-management the means of production – played a central, but today, largely forgotten, role in the early twentieth-century South African labour movement.

Before the 1920s, it was revolutionary syndicalism, which is rooted in the classical anarchism of Mikhail Bakunin, rather than the dry Marxism of the Second International, which dominated the thought and actions of the radical left in South Africa. And so it was, ultimately, classical anarchism that pioneered labour organising and anti-racist work amongst workers of colour in South Africa: the nationally oppressed Coloured, Indian and African proletariat. Continue Reading »

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The IWW, Revolutionary Syndicalism and Working Class Struggle in SA, 1910 – 1920 by the Bikisha Media Collective

The IWW, Revolutionary Syndicalism and Working Class Struggle in SA, 1910 – 1920 by the Bikisha Media Collective Click here for PDF

The Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), and the ideas, goals and organisational practices for which it stood, had an important influence on the early labour movement and radical press in South Africa. It also had an impact on neighbouring Namibia, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

Furthermore, at least five unions were founded on the IWW model in this period. Four of these unions pioneered the organisation of workers of colour, most notably the Industrial Workers of Africa, the first union for African workers in South African history.

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“Obituary: Hamba Kahle Wilstar Choongo!”, by Michael Schmidt, AInfos, 2002

“Obituary: Hamba Kahle Wilstar Choongo!”, (Anarchist & Workers’ Solidarity Movement, Zambia), by Michael Schmidt, AInfos, 2002

Source:  Ainfos, 5 March 2002

THE international anarchist movement will be saddened at the belated news of the death of Wilstar Choongo, founder of the Anarchist & Workers’ Solidarity Movement (AWSM) of Zambia.A self-taught anarchist activist, Wilstar first came to the attention of the movement in 1996 through his lone battle to improve the salaries of employees at the University of Zambia (UNZA)where he worked as a librarian — and where he built up a formidable collection of anarchist works for the use of students.

Zambia, a former British colony, gained its independence without much of a struggle in 1964. The 30-year African socialist regime of Kenneth Kaunda proved disastrous. The economy remained essentially extractive, agriculture shrivelled as farmers flooded into the cities because of urban food subsidies. Then the collapse of the copper price in the mid-1970s put paid to any hoped-for recovery. Continue Reading »

“Murder! Murder! Murder!!! The Bullhoek Massacre”, 1921, W.H. Harrision

A 1921 leaflet by Cape Town anarchist W.H. Harrison, condemning the South African state’s 24 May massacre of a millenarian black Christian group at Bullhoek, near Grahamstown, the Eastern Cape.  24 May, Empire Day, was a British Empire holiday (phased out in South Africa in 1952 for Van Riebeeck’s Day). Expecting the apocalypse, 3000 “Israelites” led by “prophet” Enoch Mgijima built houses on his land at Bullhoek. Ordered to disperse for violating the 1884 Native Locations Act and other rules, they refused. Hundreds were killed by police, backed by the army; many survivors were sentenced to hard labour.

The anarchist-led Social Democratic Federation (SDF) of Cape Town held rallies in protest; Harrison wrote the anti-imperialist leaflet below. With fellow SDF members D.L. Dryburg and William Green,  who also spoke at the rallies, he was successfully prosecuted. An appeal later overturned the convictions.

Source: 28 June 1921, Cape Times

MURDER! MURDER! MURDER!!!

THE BULLHOEK MASSACRE.

Christians Slaughter Their Christian Brethren. Great Empire Day Celebration.

How appropriate and how much in keeping with the Matabele Massacre and other of their brutal empire-building tactics. And the Bullhoek tragedy was either by fate or circumstances enacted on their very Empire Day.

We accuse the responsible Government, whose forces are headed by a brutal assassin, of murdering unarmed strikers in Johannesburg, 1913, slaughtering unarmed Natives in Port Elizabeth, 192o, and their latest debauch is the gruesome mutilation of hundreds of Natives who were Christians and a passive community.

Hence this brutal invasion is truly symbolical of Governmental tyranny their hysterical efforts to exploit the workers, irrespective of their particular colour or religious beliefs, and to maintain their position functioned by an idle and parasitic class. Their armies are ever available to suppress any libertarian effort from the oppressing yoke of Capitalism. A condemnation meeting will he held on the Parade at 11 a.m. Sunday morning; Sunday evening, Adderley Street; St. Mark’s Schoolroom, Tennant Street, Monday evening, 30th.

“The Bolsheviks are Coming”, 1919, by D.I. Jones and L.H. Greene

“The Bolsheviks are Coming” was distributed in Pietermartitzburg by David Ivon Jones and L.H. Greene. Jones was a senior figure in the syndicalist International Socialist League (ISL). The two were prosecuted in March under the Riotous Assemblies Act. What did they mean by “Bolshevism”? Syndicalism, not Leninism, as Jones made clear in court:  the ISL aimed “to establish the Socialist Commonwealth and the methods were organization and education by Press and platform, specially with regard to native workers; participation in the elections of public bodies, and the promotion of the establishment of  revolutionary industrial organizations by workers to form the skeleton of the Social[ist] Commonwealth” (quoted in Baruch Hirson, 1988, “David Ivon Jones: the early writings on socialism in South Africa”, Searchlight South Africa, vol. 1, no. 1, p. 117).

Source: 25 April 1919 , The International

THE BOLSHEVIKS ARE COMING
To the Workers of South Africa — Black as well as White
A spectre is haunting Europe — the spectre of Bolshevism! Continue Reading »

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Industrial Workers of Africa leaflet, April 1919, by T.W. Thibedi

Industrial Workers of Africa leaflet, April 1919, by T.W. Thibedi. Thibedi was a leading figure in the International Socialist League (ISL) and the Industrial Workers of Africa syndicalist union.

Source: Baruch Hirson, 1988, “David Ivon Jones: the early writings on socialism in South Africa”, Searchlight South Africa, vol. 1, no,. 1, p. 107

 INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF AFRICA    

1 This Native Council is for all those who call themselves Country Workers.  Black African open your eyes, the time has come for you all who call themselves Country Workers that you should join and become members of your own Council. It is not to say that we workers stop you from joining any other Councils, but you must know what you are in the Country for (rich or poor). All workers are poor therefore they should have their own Council.    

2 Item 1: Friend are you not a worker?     Continue Reading »

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South African anarchist appeal and analysis, 1993

The appeal below appeared in a number of English-language newspapers in the West.  It includes a basic analysis of South Africa in the transition period of the early 1990s. The authors (as the appeal indicates) would initiate a loose Johannesburg-based group called the Anarchist Revolutionary Movement (ARM). ARM lasted from 1993-1995.  The remainder of the ARM founded the Workers Solidarity Federation (WSF) in April 1995, a Platformist group. The scan is below the text.

Source: Rebel Worker: paper of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation, Sydney, Australia
vol. 12, no. 9 (108), Oct 1993, p. 12

SOUTH AFRICA

Dear Comrades,
Greetings from South Africa. Recently we set in motion actions which will hopefully result in the formation of the Anarchist Revolutionary Movement which, to our knowledge, will be South Africa’s first anarchist organisation to operate in the open. Continue Reading »

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“Revised Constitution of the ICU”, Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Africa, 1925

“Revised Constitution of the ICU”, Industrial and Commercial Workers Union of Africa, 1925

Source: Thomas Karis and Gwendolyn M. Carter, editors, 1972, From Protest to Challenge: a documentary history of African politics in South Africa, 1882-1964, vol.one, pp. 325-326

 Whereas the interest of the workers and those of the employers are opposed to each other, the former living by selling their labour, receiving for its labour only part of the wealth they produce; and the latter living by exploiting the labour of the workers; depriving the workers of a part of the product of their labour in the form of profit, no peace can be between the two classes, a struggle must always obtain about the division of the products of human labour, until the workers through their industrial organisations take from the capitalist class the means of production, to be owned and controlled by the workers for the benefit of all, instead of for the profit of a few.

Under such a system, he who does not work, neither shall he eat. The basis of remuneration shall be the principle, from each man according to his abilities, to each man according to his needs. This is the goal for which the ICU strives along with all other organised workers throughout the world. Further this organisation does not foster or encourage antagonism towards other established bodies, political or otherwise, of African peoples, or of organised European labour.

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“Manifesto of the Mine Workers”, Council of Action, Johannesburg, 1921

“Manifesto of the Mine Workers”, Council of Action, Johannesburg, 1921

Source: The Workers’ Dreadnought, 18 February 1922

 … The Council of Action, as an industrial body, [is not an] inspiration or a brain wave of the moment, but is an attempt to formulate a scheme of things likened to the Workers’ Committee movement in Britain, which, in an unofficial way, is doing a great and useful work. The method is to work within and without the official Trade Union movement, with the object of abolishing Capitalism and establishing control of industry by the worker for the worker.

The Council of Action, as an indutrial [sic] body, claims that the purpose of production, distribution and exchange, under Capitalism, is to serve class interests. Under this system of society, the working class is dependent upon the capitalist class, because the latter owns and controls the means of production, distribution and exchange, and thus the two classes have nothing in common. From this opposition of class interests there arises an antagonism which manifests itself in the class struggle; one class organising and fighting to hold the power of ownership and control, whilst the working class is compelled to organise to capture the means of production, distribution and exchange to be worked in the interests of society as a whole. Continue Reading »

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